{"id":6569,"date":"2025-01-03T07:49:41","date_gmt":"2025-01-03T12:49:41","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.lovettsvillehistoricalsociety.org\/?p=6569"},"modified":"2025-01-03T07:49:41","modified_gmt":"2025-01-03T12:49:41","slug":"patrick-henrys-famous-address-re-enacted","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"http:\/\/www.lovettsvillehistoricalsociety.org\/index.php\/patrick-henrys-famous-address-re-enacted\/","title":{"rendered":"Patrick Henry\u2019s Famous Address Re-enacted"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

By Nancy Spannaus<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On March 23, 1775 \u2013 27 days before fighting broke out between the British and the Americans at Lexington and Concord, Patrick Henry electrified the Second Virginia Convention in Richmond with his famous address that concluded: \u201cGive me liberty or give me death!\u201d The event was the second of five delegated conventions in revolutionary Virginia, which played a leading role in the establishment of national independence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On Sunday, December 15, 2025, that same speech was delivered in Loudoun County, at a special program sponsored by the Lovettsville Historical Society.<\/p>\n\n\n

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Approximately 60 people gathered at historical St. James Church in Lovettsville to hear Stephen Wilson, the executive director of the St. John\u2019s Church Foundation, explain the context for Henry\u2019s speech, and then deliver it in full. St. John\u2019s Church in Richmond is the oldest church in that city (est. 1741). In addition to being an active congregation today, the church hosts the Foundation, which is devoted to historic preservation and the presentation of theater-style re-enactments. (100 live events are put on each year, with each drawing 100 to 200 visitors.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Historical Setting<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

After a short review of the history of the church and the Foundation, Wilson discussed the background to the Richmond event. <\/p>\n\n\n

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By March of 1775, the Virginia legislature (House of Burgesses) was already in open opposition to the Royal Governor John Murray, better known as Lord Dunmore. Dunmore had dissolved the House of Burgesses in May of 1774, in response to the Burgess\u2019s determination to hold a day of fasting and prayer in solidarity with Boston, which was then not only under British occupation, but suffering from a total port closure as punishment for the Boston Tea Party of December 1773. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Burgesses, however, had refused to be dissolved. They had responded to the Governor\u2019s action by calling a state convention (the first) for August 1774; the dozens of representatives at that convention had cut off commerce with Great Britain, pledgedsupplies for Boston, and issued a call for a continental congressand chosen seven delegates to attend. That national congress occurred in Philadelphia in October 1774, and resulted in the establishment of a Continental Association pledged to non-importation and non-exportation if the British did not rescind the punitive actions against Boston. In large part, this First Continental Congress echoed Virginia\u2019s actions, calling not only to cut off commerce with England (and the slave trade with all nations), but to put their resources into building up manufactures, so that the colonies could be more self-sufficient.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In addition, the Association set up Committees of Observation, groups of local citizens who were dedicated to ensuring the Congress\u2019s resolutions were enforced. In effect, an alternative governing structure was being put into place in all the states, including the collection of taxes to support the revolutionaries.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The final measure the Virginia representatives had adopted in August was to call a second convention for March 1775. The Anglican St. Johns church was chosen as the largest venue west of Williamsburg. Wilson noted that it also had the benefit of being pastored by the Rev. Miles Selden, who was known as the \u201cpatriotic pastor,\u201d and being a \u201csafe\u201d distance from the royal government.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Not all the 120 representatives were on the side of revolution, Wilson emphasized, but the revolutionaries, including Patrick Henry and George Washington, were ready to advance their views. A resolution was put forward for all Virginia counties to establish militias, which should proceed to arm the people and prepare to defend their rights. It was in support of this resolution that Patrick Henry rose to give his famous oration. [See text below]<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The response was somber; silence filled the church. When the vote was taken, the resolution had passed by a narrow margin. Word was sent to Massachusetts: Virginia is ready to fight to protect Americans\u2019 rights.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Speech<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n
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No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism<\/em>, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The questing before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope.<\/em> We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

If we wish to be free\u2013 if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending\u2013if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained\u2013we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!<\/p>\n\n\n\n

They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary<\/em>. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable\u2013and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. <\/em>Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace\u2013 but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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